Abstract

Under severe fiscal constraints that plagued colonial states, how did governments allocate their coercive power throughout the colonized territory? In this paper, I highlight the pre-colonial state consolidation as an important determinant of colonial coercion. When the state established control over society by appointing new local agents, the society became more compliant to state demands, reducing the need for coercion over the long run. To evaluate this argument in British Burma, I collected new data from indigenous land revenue inquests and colonial police reports, using the pre-colonial variation in local headman appointment after a plausibly exogenous extinction of a hereditary line. I find that places closer to locations that received new pre-colonial headmen experienced significantly lower colonial police presence. Neither spatial correlation nor the presence of other state institutions can explain the results. The findings emphasize the deep origins of contentious state-society relations that extend beyond colonial legacies.

Abstract

This study investigates gender gaps in digital skills among youth (15–24 years old) in 32 low- and middle-income economies using data from UNICEF-supported and internationally comparable Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS). Utilizing a household fixed effects approach, we aim to isolate gender-based disparities from household-level variations. The intra-household analysis reveals significant inequalities, with biases against young women in possessing digital skills, including the very basic ones. Supplementary analysis using a mixed-effects model, which accounts separately for within- and between-household variation, highlights that wealthier households exhibit larger gender gaps in digital skills, disadvantaging young women primarily due to a floor effect in the poorest households. The paper concludes with policy implications aimed at reducing gender gaps in digital skills.

Abstract

While numerous studies evaluate the effectiveness of teacher training and textbook distribution programs, few look at the effects of training programs on vulnerable students, those at the lower end of academic performance. Addressing this gap is important to improve the efficiency of student learning and address the equity gaps in early education. Our study makes this point with two models of a program that combines teacher training with textbook distribution in Papua and West Papua Provinces of Indonesia. Between two waves of data collection in 2015 and 2017, we find that participation in the program is significantly associated with improvements in early grade reading ability, observing increases in reading scores (with or without adjustment for time spent in the program). We also find a significant decline in zero-scorers, that is, students who cannot read a single word correctly; students in program schools (under both models) are at least 80 percent less likely to score zero than their peers in control schools by 2017. Our approach highlights the importance of incorporating the equity perspective in program evaluation through an explicit focus on vulnerable students.

Abstract

Existing research has acknowledged the importance of pre-primary education and pointed out numerous dimensions where we find significant gaps in access. But how large are these gaps relative to each other and which ones demand highest priorities in education policy? To answer this, we use survey data from 83 countries between 2010 and 2016 and estimate and compare the extent to which pre-primary education access is determined by gender, urban-rural status, socio-economic status, and subnational unit. The results suggest that traditional focus on gender and urban-rural residence is not sufficient for equity in pre-primary education access, as we find the gaps between subnational units to be the largest. There is also a substantial regional and cross-sectional variation for each dimension.

Abstract

Using UNESCO-UIS data, this paper estimates the costs of internal inefficiency caused by dropouts and repetitions in primary education. Multiple imputation method is found essential to accurately estimate the costs of internal inefficiency. Globally, 8.1% of total public expenditure for primary education was wasted in 2011, a 3.4 percentage-point decrease from 2002. However, during the same period, total value of wastage increased by two billion USD to 32.6 billion USD, five times higher than total aid for primary education towards developing countries. Sub-Saharan Africa remains as the region with significant needs for improvement in internal inefficiency.

Abstract

Why did colonial states expand involvement in education while facing severe fiscal constraints? Two key factors explain colonial educational involvement; only when indigenous education levels and resistance against colonial rule were both sufficiently high, colonial governments shifted from relying on indigenous schools to replacing them with schools under stronger state control. Perceived associations between indigenous schooling and anti-colonial resistance drove the colonial state’s attempts to weaken the role of indigenous education institutions in society. I provide empirical support from original panel data of 33 British Burma districts over two decades (1901-20), when a transformation from Buddhist monastic education to a secular school system occurred, Significant increases in female enrollment (a key measure of state involvement because monastic schools excluded women) occurred in districts with high Buddhist male literacy and high numbers of riots. The findings highlight indigenous society’s important role in the state development under weak fiscal capacity.

Abstract

Studies on democratization in the Global South predominantly focus on post-independence states. This overlooks the deep, historical evolution of representative institutions under colonial rule. In this paper, we look at the history of British India to argue that the arrival of partial electoral franchise brought new political blocs to the legislature and divergent opinions on an important social issue: women's rights and welfare. This occurred despite stringent voter eligibility requirements and low electoral turnouts. We draw empirical evidence for this claim from original archival data of more than 3,000 debates and 1,600 individual legislators over two decades following electoral franchise (1921-40). Legislators selected by popular elections were more likely to be a part of debates on women's rights and welfare than those nominated by the colonial government. Elected legislators were also more likely to vote for proposals that extended women's rights and welfare except those that also expanded metropolitan control over social policy. These findings enrich our understanding of policymaking in colonial states, while also showing the long history of electoral franchise and women's rights in the world's largest democracy.

Abstract

Recent literature on the political economy of education emphasizes indoctrination as the primary motivation behind education expansion under non-democratic states. However, existing literature fails to explain a paradoxical consequence of state-led education: emergence of educated youth as a force of resistance against non-democratic rule. Modeling the strategic interaction between educated youth and government under changing economic situations, I argue that education through indoctrination only works when loyalty to the state continues to generate economic advantage in a low-development context. Therefore, education’s potential for indoctrination weakens as education access expands and economic returns to education declines. I evaluate this theory in the context of Myanmar after the 2021 military coup.  Using novel panel data on economic development and access to education at township level, I show that, while education levels are negatively associated with the number of resistance events, the relationship is significantly weaker in townships that experienced strong economic growth after the emergence of civilian-military government in 2010. The findings yield new insights into the dynamics of state consolidation through education in developing economies.

Abstract

Colonialism established an intricate system of governance, tightly regulating indigenous labor and lands through the colonial ruler and their agents. However, even within the framework of direct rule, indigenous populations often retained some level of autonomy over local governance. In the context of the Spanish Empire, Indigenous communities exercised local elections, submitted petitions, and managed certain public works. This paper delves into the factors influencing why certain indigenous communities were more successful in delivering specific public goods than others. In particular, it investigates an 18th-century reform that granted indigenous communities a degree of autonomy in funding schools. During this period, the number of schools in indigenous communities doubled. Drawing upon a comprehensive dataset of school provisions at the community level, our findings reveal that communities closer to religious missions were more inclined to establish schools funded by community taxes. However, a different pattern emerges for communities financing schools through private means by parents. We contend that the existing theories on education and public good provision fail to fully elucidate this colonial-era dynamic. Furthermore, we offer evidence illustrating the long-term repercussions of diverse school funding decisions on educational outcomes.